Good morning, Travelling into Ukraine post 2022 is always an adventure. First, instead of quick plane trips, you take nights-long train or bus rides. And second, on those trains, often something almost magical happens: your train gets lifted into the air, while the wheelset gets changed. Why? As much in Eastern Europe, it's a product of the Soviet legacy. Read more about what it means at the Romanian-Moldovan border crossing below. In today's newsletter, we're also covering whether autonomous drones are the future of warfare, what to know ahead of Romania's presidential election this weekend, and why Russia just moved its propaganda TV HQ to the UAE. Editor's noteJulius E. O. Fintelmann
 Peep my shiny new rails!Ana Dadu Travelling between Chisinau and Bucharest by the so-called Friendship train takes a long time – 13.5 hours to be precise. Amsterdam to Paris, a similar distance to that between Chisinau and Bucharest, takes between three and four hours. Why is that? First, trains aren't as modern and Moldovan trains run on diesel and not on electrified trains, which makes them slower. But most importantly: Most of the EU uses universal railway gauges of 1,435mm (that's the distance between the two inner rails of a railway track), making crossing borders easy and less time-consuming. Formerly Soviet-occupied countries like Ukraine and Moldova, however, have tracks based on the wider so-called Russian gauge, which measures 1,520mm. This 85mm difference may seem negligible, but it causes a whole lot of operational problems. When you reach the border crossing between an EU and non-EU state, you either need to change trains or your train carriage is literally lifted off the ground and the wheelsets are changed to match the different track gauges. At the Romanian-Moldovan border, this process alone takes about two hours and can get noisy. To overcome this, Moldova’s railway authorities plan to transition from the Russian gauge to the European one in the next ten years. This is important because Moldova is a key transport corridor for both Romanian and Ukrainian goods. In light of this, Moldovan and Romanian officials recently agreed to reconstruct an old railway crossing across the Prut river that has not been in use since 1993. Around four km of the railway on Moldova’s side will be built using the European gauge. Once complete, trains transporting goods will start operating first, and eventually, so will passenger trains. By then, the train journeys will hopefully be at least two hours – the time it takes to change the wheelset – shorter.
Presidential power by age Age rules and term limits for presidents shape who leads and how old those leaders are. In addition to the typical minimum age of 35, candidates usually build long political careers before running, and most are elected in their 50s or 60s and often serve into their 70s. Across the countries with the lowest minimum candidacy age of 18, the average age of sitting presidents is just 50.6 years old, the youngest among all European groups. In 2017, France's current president Emmanuel Macron became the country's youngest president ever at 39 years old. Overall, European presidents tend to be older than European prime ministers, partly because many presidents are elected indirectly by parliaments or special assemblies, favouring experience, stability, and seniority. Created by Sara Wiatrak.
What you need to know about Romania's presidential electionRomanians will finally vote in the first round of presidential elections on Sunday, 4 May. Or should I say the third? In case you forgot, Romania's supreme court annulled presidential elections at the last minute in December, after it came out that leading pro-Russian far-right candidate Călin Georgescu's campaign was illicitly funded by Russia. Since then, the court banned Georgescu from competing. The politician who will likely make it into the second round instead is George Simion, a populist who appeals to voters with tradition and religion. Fun fact: Simion is still banned from travelling to Moldova and Ukraine after he initiated protests in Moldova in 2020 to promote the unification of Moldova and parts of Ukraine with Romania and discredited the territorial integrity of both countries. "Widespread support for the far-right in Romania, both rural and urban, stems less from Russian influence and more from a deep-rooted historical legacy of fascist tendencies passed down through generations," says Cristian Ștefănescu, DW journalist based in Romania. The second-placed candidate, while not as bad for Europe, may be as bad for Romania. Crin Antonescu is the candidate for the coalition between the moderate right and the social democrats. The issue: these are the the oldest and most systematically entrenched parties, and their coalition government in the past five years has left many Romanians dissatisfied. Oh, and Antonescu has several corruption scandals under his belt. The one candidate in whom many young people place their hopes, so far polls in third place: Nicusor Dan, the current mayor of Bucharest, who wants more European integration, higher investment in education, and is moderately liberal on queer rights. | Alexandra Drugescu-Radulescu
Why do these elections even matter? Romania is a semi-presidential republic and the president is the most important person in the state for foreign affairs, setting the tone for how the country enters relations with other states. Europe seemingly dodged the biggest bullet through the annulment of Georgescu's candidacy, even though George Simion winning would place yet another eurosceptic far-right politician at the helm of a large European country. Many Romanians, meanwhile, feel dissatisfied with the choice they have to make this weekend. While some are bitter about Georgescu's ban, others feel perpetually stuck with the sense of having to choose the lesser evil. |
A Liut combat vehicle | Ukrainian ministry of defence The future of warfare Are killer robots here?Last December, the Ukrainian military took over a Russian trench fully with remote-controlled robots. This is part of a larger trend in which warfare becomes more automated – and lethal. But humans are – for now – still important on the battlefield. Darius Kölsch On a cold December day in the northeastern Kharkiv region, a Ukrainian national guard unit had the same mission as so many other units in the war. Attack and take control of a Russian trench. Usually, these attacks work by sending small groups of soldiers, supported by first-person-view drones that bomb enemy positions. But this time, no Ukrainian soldier advanced. Instead, the drones in the sky were supporting robots on the ground, small remote-controlled cars with mounted machine guns, piloted by Ukrainian soldiers a few hundred meters away. And it was a success – the trench was taken over without a single Ukrainian soldier physically there. Now, the Ukrainian military has officially introduced the domestically-produced "Liut" combat vehicle. With what is possibly the first fully uninhabited attack – i.e. attack without a human advancing – in history, the question is: are killer robots here? Drones – the new kings of battleSince the two world wars, artillery, the 'big guns', has been the 'king of battle' by being the leading cause of casualties. But in Ukraine, the largest land war in Europe since 1945, drones have now taken that spot. They account for more civilian deaths than artillery (according to the UN) and a Ukrainian MP noted the same trend in military casualties. Virtually all of these deaths are caused by airborne drones, which are cheaper, more precise, and more responsive than artillery. While humans still pilot these from the ground, automation vastly increases their range – and reduces the skills operators need, increasing drone strikes’ success rates from 10-20% to about 70-80%, CSIS finds. While this will likely not make artillery obsolete, the shift forces militaries to question how their multi-million-euro tanks or artillery systems are still relevant for modern battle. More crucially, however, this change makes the battlefield more lethal. In other words, soldiers can afford less and less to be detected, because weapons are becoming more precise and will strike their positions faster when found. For the same reason – increased lethality – fewer and fewer soldiers are necessary to cover the same area. But this is unlikely to make wars any less deadly. First, autonomous weapons increase risk to civilians, who are often difficult to distinguish from combatants, especially in urban settings. Second, the increased reach of cheap, uninhabited weapons has made areas further from the front line less safe, putting more and more supply units, training locations, and towns and cities at risk. That's what we see in Russia's relentless drone attacks on Ukrainian cities. Uninhabited weapons don't revolutionise warfare (yet)But while airborne drones become increasingly important, both Russia and Ukraine have looked for ways to defend against them. The most efficient solution is often jamming the connection between the drone and the operator, rendering it ineffective. AI is frequently pitched as a solution to this, since a fully autonomous drone would not require any connection to an operator to continue its mission. However, while Russian and Ukrainian AI-controlled drones were rolled out in early 2024, both seem to have had limited success for now. Instead, the militaries have in some cases now reverted to simply connecting the drones with up to 41 km-long fibre-optic cables, meaning the drone’s connection can't be tampered with unless the cable is physically accessed. For now, aerial drones are the most likely to be autonomous, as navigation is much easier in the sky. Ground drones remain far rarer and still require extensive human supervision. The future of warfareStill, defence companies and institutions alike are at least nominally declaring that AI-powered warfare is the future. But while AI has arguably rapidly caught up with humans in cognitive tasks, warfare is determined by physical tasks, which AI is not good at. Additionally, even advanced AI is prone to errors, errors which have already killed civilians in conflict. Most notably, Israel's AI targeting system "Lavender" selected and led to the death of thousands of people in Gaza. The operators only devote about 20 seconds to each proposed target – verifying it as male – before authorising strikes, despite an error rate of about 10%, according to +972 magazine. AI, as algorithms by definition, learn from patterns – patterns which militaries have always sought to avoid, as detection and predictability are already fatal mistakes. Absent any revolutionary change in AI, the future of warfare will have drones operated by humans but increasingly supported by AI. For now, this trend will make battlefields more lethal, making it more dangerous for soldiers to be discovered and on the move. In Ukraine, for instance, drones (and mines) have led to extremely limited territorial changes in the past year, much like modern artillery contributed to the stalemates in the First World War. But this does not mean the stalemate will continue indefinitely. Like tactical innovations helped break the trench stalemates of World War I, militaries will eventually develop tactics and technologies to overcome the trench stalemates in Ukraine. Recently, the United Kingdom has reportedly successfully tested a weapon that can fry the internal electronics of multiple unmanned vehicles – AI or not.
When your propaganda station gets banned – move itThat's what Russia has just done by relocating some of its media operations to the United Arab Emirates. The Russian government runs several media organisations directed at the outside world – such as the radio network Sputnik, RT, Russia's answer to BBC and CNN, or the video news agency Ruptly. Almost all of them were sanctioned by the West after Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022. Websites and social media pages were blocked as they spew misinformation and propaganda. From the list of the Kremlin’s media empire, the news agency Ruptly stands out as it targets businesses, not regular audiences, by providing video footage for news media companies. Despite its parent company RT’s reputation, Ruptly was used by some respected media outlets. Ruptly haemorrhaged staff in the first months after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, but continued to operate from Berlin until filing for bankruptcy in 2024. Now, according to new reports, Russia has quietly moved Ruptly’s operations to the UAE under a new name: Viory. Based in Abu Dhabi, Viory brands itself as "a news agency for the Global South" offering "the full story." What it doesn’t advertise is its deep roots in Russian state media. German outlet RedaktionsNetzwerk Deutschland reports that Viory’s head previously led Ruptly and RT Germany, and The European Correspondent identified several LinkedIn profiles of former Ruptly employees now working for Viory, based in Germany, the UAE, and the US. | Sascha Roslyakov
After Moscow paid American right-wing influencers to spread its views, RT editor-in-chief Margarita Simonyan threatened that they would continue to infiltrate the West in disguise. Even though RT didn’t publicly announce that they are behind Viory today, the rebranded agency still screams Ruptly. Positioning itself as a Global South service fits neatly with the Kremlin’s foreign policy, seeking influence in Africa and elsewhere. Back in 2018, Ruptly offered cheap subscriptions to small newsrooms – €12.50 a month. Viory may be planning something similar, targeting underfunded media in the Global South. In doing so, it offers inexpensive global content – with a twist of Kremlin narrative when convenient. |
A destroyed house in Dobropillia Ukraine ・ Impressions from the front What life is like at the frontlineThree years into the full-scale invasion, Ukrainians live in different realities: the one close to the frontline, and the one further away. Just a few hours east of Dnipro, a big, bustling city where it’s almost possible to believe that there is no war – at least for the few minutes between air raids – you suddenly arrive in a different and much harsher reality. Anastasia Kucher The closer you get to the frontline, the more visible the war becomes. There are more destroyed buildings, more volunteers, more medics and soldiers. People have more serious faces, but they also crack funnier jokes, as humour is the only way to deal with the realisation that everything has a price, and that price is human lives. Take Pavlohrad, a city roughly 60 kilometres from the active combat zones in the Donetsk region. As we drive through the city that had 100,000 inhabitants before the war, evacuation ambulances rush to hospitals to take in the injured, and destroyed buildings are more and more frequent. Military-coloured SUVs make it clear that rough terrain isn’t far away. Last week, Russian drones completely destroyed the Pavlohrad base and all equipment of the "Hospitaliers", a volunteer medical battalion that supports thousands of people. While buying a great cappuccino in a local coffee shop in Dobropillia, only 20 kilometres from the line of contact, I asked the barista, a young woman in her twenties, about the March attack when 11 people died and 50 were injured. "That apartment building is not far away, my grandmother's apartment is there," she told me as she worked on several orders at once. When I asked about her grandmother's well-being, she answered very calmly: "She was killed in the attack, two of my other relatives were injured." Oleksandr, an ageing man, stopped beside me as I looked at another destroyed house that had a huge, gaping hole in it. He told me about his life: "I come from a village near the border with Russia. I left my home a long time ago, it was impossible to live there after Russia occupied the area". He lit a cigarette and mentioned that he had lived in Donetsk, then Mariupol and a few other places that are now also occupied, before settling in Dobropillia. Oleksandr is just one example of many people with a similar fate - a perpetual internally displaced person within his own homeland. Closer to the frontline, people still live in villages that have been almost erased from the map – destroyed infrastructure, lack of essentials, water, electricity, and constant bombing. Grandmothers with colourful scarves around their heads sit on benches by their fences, people plant flowers and tend their gardens to the sound of artillery shells. Even with the ever-present danger, many will stay in their homes for as long as they can, as for many it's all that they have.
You're drinking contaminated wineYou might want to take a closer look at what's in your next glass of wine. A new study by the NGO Pesticide Action Network has found that no bottle produced in Europe in recent years is free from contamination by trifluoroacetic acid (TFA), a toxic byproduct of PFAS, the notorious "forever chemicals." In the grapes from the last three vintages, TFA levels were 3,000 times higher than EU groundwater limits. The health risks are severe: PFAS compounds are linked to cancer, liver damage, and reproductive harm. TFA, once considered relatively harmless, is now suspected of causing developmental abnormalities and it lingers permanently in soil, water, and crops. So what is being done about it? Despite mounting evidence, EU action has been slow. Under the REACH framework – Europe's main chemical regulation – PFAS were supposed to be tightly controlled years ago. But industry lobbying, lengthy scientific reviews, and political hesitancy have stalled reforms.  | Thibault Krause
While public debate often centres on PFAS in non-stick cookware and textiles, the more immediate threat lies in their use as pesticides sprayed across Europe's farmlands, embedding toxic chemicals directly into our food chain. Safer, biodegradable alternatives exist. The EU should move beyond slow, case-by-case bans and push for a full phase-out of PFAS in agriculture if it wants to protect food, water, and public health. |
Russia may move its propaganda stations, but we remain committed to independent journalism. If you find our work useful, please support us by donating below. It's only with your help that we're able to keep publishing. Julius E. O. Fintelmann Editor-in-chief PS: Can you tell us what you think of today's edition of the newsletter? Every day, as a small reward for your feedback, we will show you a cute animal picture.
The visuals for this newsletter were created by Olga Alexandrova and the executive producer was Klara Vlahcevic Lisinski.
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